Downgrading the Human Line
As we have seen, Enki and Dìm’mege, true to their function as Kadištu (Life Designers), had produced a prototype suitable to be considered a representative of the Original Source. But this was decidedly unsuitable for a servant to the Gina’abul lords. In fact they were in important ways superior to their would-be gods and other divinities.
It simply was not going to work and a compromise would have to be struck – one which would achieve the liberation of the Nungal from their perpetual slavery, and the rehabilitation of Mammitu-Nammu into the society of Uraš.
And so it began, the plan being to downgrade the human line by bringing in suitable genes from the common Kingú race.
We have already treated the development of the human in our major section HUMANS, some time ago with materials available to us at that time. We encourage readers to review that section or have it closely available – especially the Two Ádamic Lines chart in its most enlarged format – while reading the current page, which incorporates information found in the book Ádam Genisiš.
We open with Enki in recognition that Ninmah has had to abandon her ideals as a Kadištu in order to pursue the genetic programs of the Gina’abul, and now he himself will be required to do the same. In fact, because he had been taking Ninmah’s “regard of life”, and he felt her blood flowing in his veins, he could feel his Kadištu nature slipping steadily away.
What was emerging from the Siensišár were Lùlù (mixed-bloods) – bastards… Ninmah considered them as simple organic bodies, Ádam (animals). She called them Nígzigál – the Sumerian word meaning “created being” or, strictly, a copyrighted property into which life has been placed. In other words, clone.
Ninmah was so obsessed with her need to succeed in her task that she liberally employed the Zirzi (destroyers of life) to suppress the defective products… and there were many! Some partially paralyzed, others totally dazed or taken with uncontrollable trembling. And Enki assisted, to acquit himself of his task, so that he could get back to the Abzu where he would be able to accomplish, with Nammu, the work of multiplying the prototype they had produced.
Enki had slightly reduced the brain cavity as compared to the original prototype. They had detached several sequences from the Ukubi donor. Nammu had performed this sort of manipulation in the past on certain types of Ugubi. Enki had seen in the crystal (Ugur) that this practice had been performed on several animal species of this planet. The Kingú geneticists had done it repeatedly on species originally implanted as emissaries of the Source threatened to display too much awakening to suit their taste.
Eventually they produced a model that could be presented to the Ušumgal for approval. Ninmah exhibited it to the council without giving the impression that she knew of the torture to which it was going to be subjected. The Kuku (ancestors) accepted it as the model for those to come.
Enki and Ninmah returned to the Abzu; adequate material for the mass cloning was not available at Kharsag. So it was to be at the heart of Enki’s domain and for the glory of the Gina’abul that they would be multiplying this Lùlù of double polarity. (This appears to be a sardonic statement.)
During Enki’s absence, Mam and the Ama’argi had manufactured some Siensišár on Enki’s original model. This type of artificial womb incorporated a large quantity of quartz, the type of crystal found in great abundance in the Abzu.
This was Ninmah’s very first visit to the Abzu, and she was warmly welcomed by Nammu. The luxury and splendor of Šàlim rather overwhelmed the mistress of Kharsag. Ninmah also seemed to be astonished by the absence of Sé’et. Once again Enki was surprised by Ninmah’s inquiring after his sister. It really did appear that Ninmah had not known of Sé’et’s disappearance. Her sadness over hearing of this seemed very sincere. Enki had to conclude that Ninmah had not participated in whatever plot there had been.
Nevertheless, Enki started on some contrived explanation but Nammu stopped him by exclaiming in front of her that he surely could see that she was sincere.
And then it was Ninmah’s turn to be filled with compassion and a tenderness that Enki had not seen in her before, as she realized how Enki had been concealing his pain.
At this point Enki was closely approached by Nammu, Ninmah, and Dìm’mege who had been present and watching all of this. He cruelly missed Sé’et’s visage.
Enki understood that it was his grief over Sé’et that blocked his maintaining relations with the Abgal Mulge-Tab, while he did understand that they had anticipated “something” for him.
Thirty Siensišár had been built. These were arranged in rows of three. From these were to come an army of gloomy and awesome machines of labor.
Now, here he was, once again with Nammu and Ninmah at his side, as in the flourishing times of his youth, cut short by war. They were so far now from the epoch of voyages between Margíd’da (Ursa Major) and Mulmul (the Pleiades) and the sessions of audacious clonings.
We won’t go into it here, but just to say that Enki was extremely saddened over the pass to which matters had come. No longer the task of a Kadištu for him! Was it programmed in the ANGAL (the heavens) that this would occur?
The clones emerged at regular intervals. One group of Ama’argi was charged with receiving and covering them; they were very cold. Another group functioned to harvest the ova from the crystalline tanks, which “accelerated the time” and the frequency.
Enki was responsible for setting the level of radiation for this complex maneuver.
A batch of 30 clones would barely have been achieved when it was time to place a new culture of ovules into the heart of the Siensišár. This was a chain operation that required all of their attention.
|On Skin Color
Based on Ádam Genisiš Note 104
Modern-day science has information about the structural characteristics of Neanderthal and Homo Erectus, based on evidence from fossilized remains, and can compare these with corresponding characteristics of modern humans, but from our perspective incorrectly ascribes these differences to evolutionary responses to varying environmental influences; we think all characteristics are the result of deliberate genetic interventions.Scientists then use their logic in reverse to impute charactistics not directly observable in the fossil remains. For example, concerning skin color, since scientists think this characteristic is a reflection of the climate in which a species “evolved”, they attempt to determine original skin color by subtracting out geographical and climatic influences from the species found in a given region today.
This is a great error. Parks, in contrast, is “convinced” that the skin coloration was dark at the point of origin of all the species under study.
While the Alagní (clones) were feeble when they came into the world, they were stockily built and robust. They had a sort of shadow in their look and in fact they were dark-skinned. Their hands were large. They were made to work.
|The Prototypes: Ullegarra and Annegarra
(See Ádam Genisiš Note 105)As Parks explains in his note, specialists do not understand the reason for the use of these composite Sumero-Akkadian terms although they can see that some sort of “placement in time” is implied, with the Sumerian GARRA implying “place of establishment,” and the Akkadian words ULLÛ/ULLA (also Sumerian UL) meaning “before,” “removed in time,” or “indeterminate time,” and ANNÛ indicating “now” or “here”.
In Parks’ books these are codes in the matrix language of the ancient Gina’abul priestesses who had a secret agricultural program going in Edin.
Ullegarra (“placed before”) designated the first Homo Neanderthalensis, created by Nammu and her collaborators with Amašutum + Ugubi (ape) genes.
Annegarra (“placed now”) designated the new prototype worker (a different version of Neanderthalensis) redesigned by Nammu, Enki and Ninmah by combining the genes of Kingú workers and Ukubi Ullegarra.
Parks opens his chapter on the work program for the Annegarra with extensive “Extracts from the cosmogonic text of the Babylonians.” It’s probably beyond the proper scope of this website to quote Parks quoting ancient texts but we can at least affirm that this is eye-opening material and we recommend the reader take the time to review it.
Based on Ádam Genisiš Note 106
This term, when it appeared several times in the Sumerian poem Praise to the Pickax, was translated by Parks as “black slaves”. However, he mentions that “the specialists” generally translate it as “Black-Heads”.Parks shows how, linguistically, this is only one of a number of possible translations and goes on to show the comedy of errors surrounding understanding of these people as “primitive” – either in the sense as being the first sequentially to serve the “gods”, or as being primitive in some innate sense.
It all underscores at least the ancientness of the Africans over the rest of the human family. They were also the first of a long series of prestigious kings!
His narrative begins with around 100 workers being placed with the Ušumgal at Kharsag. The others initiated their agricultural activity in Edin (the plain), which became progressively the “Kingdom of Gig (wheat),” symbol of the superiority and of the authority of the Gina’abul over Uraš (the Earth).
We have begun our discussion of early wheat-growing on the Edin Plain on another page (click thumbnail above). While the views provided are intended to depict the scene as of some 200,000 years ago, the earliest discovered traces of wheat culture actually date back only to 8000-10000 BCE, due to extensive worldwide deluges that took place as recently as 10000 years ago. (See our page Neb-Heru.) Doubtless more vestiges and fossils remain to be found under the Mesopotamian soil.
Wheat is an adaptable cereal that flourishes in the most extreme conditions. The plant prospers only with difficulty in recently cleared and raised soils, but the version enhanced by the Ama’argi exhibited a rapid growth rate.
The seeds needed to be sorted, prepared, and sowed. At the end of two Ud (days!) the wheat developed with force. The green and straight stalks emerged in the “tumultuous immensity of the Edin”. The spikes flowered and the grains fed by sap stimulated by the earth gave a milky juice.
When the straw lost its greenish tint and the spikes turned slightly vermillion, harvest time had come. With sickles the straw was separated from the grain; baskets received the spikes, and were placed for some Ud (days) in the colony’s granaries.
Straw was set aside to nourish the livestock and to serve for litter and bedding.
Once the Gig (wheat) was distributed in that way, the Ukubi Annegarra performed the threshing with poles to extract the grain from the spikes. The ground-up spikes contributed their mixed grains to the remaining scattered stubble and dust. All the impurities had been eliminated by the wind or by the forks of the Santana (plantation chiefs). The wheat was then weighed, measured, and packed into numerous silos that punctuated Edin.
There is a small plateau at the north end of the Edin plain that Parks recalls as having been more prominent in the time of his recollection. You can see it in one or two images upstream from the wheatfield illustrations referenced above… and we have attempted to show it as Parks remembers it. Parks calls it “the platform”.
This was Enlil’s favorite spot for observing the work in Edin with his high-powered telescopes, and it was here that a gigantic festival was held in honor of the new Ukubi workers.
Dìm’mege arranged the banquet.
Tumuá zoomed, criss-crossing the princely domain.
Flying competitions were organized.
At the banquet, Enlil drained his glass in one draft and suddenly challenged Enki to a flying race… which Enki won, but with great difficulty, as Enlil was an accomplished pilot.
A murmur of stupor ran through the majority of the public, who were supporters of Enlil. The Great Šàtam was drunk with rage and also very fatigued. Doubtlesss exhausted with defeat, his sole desire was to mark his domination over Enki and his people.
|Ádam Genisiš Note 108
The Hebrew term “Eden” is taken from the Sumerian word “Edin”, or “Eden”, and generally translated by “the plain”, “the steppe”, “the field(s)”, and “the desert”. It is interesting to note that Edin in Akkadian is translated by “Sêru”, of which the Sumerian decomposition SÈ-RU means “(where) the weak ones remit presents/tribute”.
The Ukubi’im who had worked at Kharsag served food that came from Ninmah’s garden and the first cultures of Edin (the Plain). They brought in vegetables, dried fish, fruits and meats that the Anunna consumed with equal pleasure.
The Anunna had learned to eat meat from observing the Ama’argi and the Ukubi’im. Enki perceived that they appreciated it enormously, but that it rendered them nervous, or at least more irritable.
Enlil maltreated the Ukubi’im and insisted they be called Ádam (animals) or Sag’giga (the black slaves). He loved to humiliate them and constantly made them submit. During the festivities, he obliged them to pay their allegiance to the Anunna.
Enki hardly enjoyed seeing all this. Cohabitation between the Uga’Muš (People of the Serpent) and the great Šàtam was difficult. Enki’s nerves were raw. At the festival, he avoided making waves in an effort to maintain the fragile peace.
Nammu had been rehabilitated as foreseen. The Anunnaki honored her for having brought a handworker and the Nungal for having been liberated from their sad lot. The fête was doubly celebrated, as Enki’s creator An was inaugurating the putting into service of his new mothership that he baptised “Dukù” in memory of the sacred mountain in Mulmul (the Pleiades) where the Anunna were created.
Ninmah retained control over Kharsag and her Garden of Eden. The new line of Ukubi’im (Homo Neanderthalensis), specifically known as Annegarra (placed after), worked for the caste of “the ones who had brought in the fear”. [Obviously this refers to the Anunna.]
Enki supervised the numerous works in Edin. The various priestesses were under his exclusive orders. They were divided into two categories: the class of Santana (plantation chiefs), and Šandan (arboriculturalists or tree farmers / nurserymen, and horticulturalists). Some of them worked on stilts to extend their view over the vast Edin and to move rapidly when needed. The workers were under surveillance day and night.
All were accountable to Enki, who mediated between the priestesses and Enlil. Enlil possessed full powers over Kalam (Sumer).
Here Parks quotes extensively from the clay tablets as to Enlil’s tyrannical role. We’re not quoting Parks’ quotes, but for much more on this see his Note 109.
The Nungal returned to the Dukug after the creation of the Annegarra. (See Note 110 for the corroborating reference in the clay tablets.) But as to being allies of the Anunna occupation force, they patrolled the skies to track their enemies.
Being considered of royal blood, the Nungal served a need that the Anunnaki had for negotiators with the Kingú royals, and their Imdugud when they presented themselves.
The plantations were never fertile enough to suit Enlil, even after he tripled the daily tithe of his workers.
Parks here provides an extensive note (Note 111) showing how the elaborate gender-based tithing and gifting traced by the clay tablets reflected or stemmed from the social patterns established by the gender-differentiated social roles, i.e., the roles of the priestesses and the Anunna, described just above on this page.
The colony continued to grow. Cities were invested by diverse families and villages of workers pushed up like the wheat.
Dams in the mountains were broken to provide water for the cities and cultivable zones; this was done in a way as to maintain control over the water flow to avoid inundations.
Enki added to the irrigation canal system, creating what resembled a gigantic Aš (spider).
Despite all this activity, the days succeeded one another identically in Enki’s head.
When there were problems with the performance of Edin, Enki brought in Udu’us and Šetir, experts respectively in cereal and livestock, from An’s vessel. They were equally under the control of Nammu, who assisted Enki as second in Edin.
Nammu was often found at the sides of her enigmatic Babbar (albino) named Hé’er, who practically never spoke but who observed much. He seemed like something of a bodyguard for her.
The oversight activities of the priestesses deprived the Mìmínu (greys) of their original office. Enlil sent a party of them to the Dukug (sacred mountain) and the rest to be with An on Udu’idimsa (Mars).
Edin / Eden
The frequency of the KI (3rd dimension) diminished progressively around the colony. The Anunnaki complained less and less of their headaches. Enki was unsure of the reason, but he suspected it was the new recruits and the work being imposed upon them.
Many Šandan (arboriculturalists-horticulturalists) worked in Ninmah’s garden. They were mostly Ama’argi. Eden balanced the vegetable and fruit resources; it had become an orchard once the lands of Edin had been exploited.
Enki patrolled often and silently observed the gardeners at their work. He obstinately looked for the face of “his promise” – Sé’et, always in his heart.
Ninmah took him at times as mad, but she knew nothing.
The Edin, agricultural domain of the great Šàtam and the Anunnaki, was the land of the cereals, particularly the Gig (ble / wheat) and the Še (orge / barley).
The intensive agriculture was difficult, as the climate was progressively drying out the lands. Enlil had penned the livestock at the base of the Dukug, where the land was grassy, thanks to the system of irrigation that Enki had constructed there.
At one point there was a group of livestock that had been set aside to nourish the Gina’abul males who lived in that area. No Amašutum or female Annegarra could stand the odour of the spilled blood and foaming entrails of the sacrificed beasts.
The Mìmínu, those detestable beings with heads of Kiši (ants) were charged with working with them.
Recall that in the early days of the colony’s agriculture, Ninmah and the Ušumgal had claimed the right to make Weather Modification orders in conformance to Decree 33 of the Mardukù, although this was not its intended purpose, and ordained that there shall be blue skies on Uraš. The Ama’argi had no choice but to engineer and construct systems to open up the skies and allow the sun to shine.
Now the lands were drying out, and some adjustments were needed. Under the same clause as the earlier order, the Princesses were requested to bring rain.
Dìm’mege had accepted the operation, but she had recalled her condition, granted at the vote of the Assembly in the Abzu, allocating the responsibility for the Mášanše (livestock, cattle) and the ensemble of the Ádam (animals) who were charged with assisting the Anunna in their work. This agreement was validated. Henceforth, Dìm’mege was guarantor or vouch for the different types of Ádam who worked in Edin and in the garden of Ninmah.
Since Enki was just above Dìm’mege in the Anunna social hierarchy, he supervised Edin at all times, but he had to keep Dìm’mege informed of the diverse activities and the eventual problems. They were going to have to work together. Dìm’mege remained for the moment in quiet contemplation of the situation and could only contemplate the discipline of steel that Enlil would impose on the Ukubi Annegarra.
The rain was to be concentrated uniquely on the agricultural domains and would touch only those domains, and this did not resolve the question of the agrarian sterility that seemed to be progressing over a good part of the planet.
Years of ceaseless labor flow by.
Under the pretense of enhancing the colony’s security, Enlil has installed tracability with respect to the Alagni (clones) – a systematic branding with hot iron. But since some have been escaping, the great Šàtam has affixed radio transmitters to their feet. Beacons surround the country of Máš. [Edin of the Sumerians is called “the land of Máš”, the country of agricultural revenues, on numerous tablets.]
Before the demographic development of Edin, Enlil had established special laws that hobbled the few rights and liberties the people still possessed. Edin had become a monster of development.
During this period, Enlil travels often to Udu’idimsa (Mars) to meet with his son Ninurta and An. The Amašutum, the Nungal, and Enki know nothing of what is being done there. But Enki via “mental incursions” – apparently what we would call remote viewing – is aware of an intense industrial activity there. The Mìmínu are at work in the dust.
From Dúbù – forges – on Udu’idimsa (Mars), heavy mechanical apparatuses are sent to the vast Edin (plain), whose purpose is to control the work of the human workers. These apparatuses register the various activities and permit Enlil to surveil, or monitor, the workers from a distance during his absence.
[Dúbù = forge? In his Note 114, Parks traces Dogon and Sumerian linguistic developments from this and several other key terms relating to this historical period.]
Each instrument possesses a transmitter. The complete system fabricated in a celestial Dúbù is detectable due to the presence of bugs.
The control system of the great Šàtam supports a very-well-orchestrated social psychosis.
Dìm’mege and Enki are each outraged by these measures that had been taken up by the Assembly. Enki suspects that Dìm’mege, who supervises the production in Eden, is granting secret favors to the workers. He says nothing, but he is overjoyed, as he and Nammu are doing the same with those in Edin. So his plan goes into action. The Santana (plantation chiefs) of the country of Máš (Edin) and he expend a great deal of energy toward foiling the watching eye of the Dúbù. He detests these apparatuses and has more and more problem thinking of (the plight of) his children, who are of divine essence and truly do not know it.
The celestial Dúbù not only connect the instruments to the individual workers and record their acts and gestures, but they also mark the beginning and end of the workday by means of a loud siren that creates great anxiety. This permanent state of fear is doubled by the Dúbù, which pound the earth rhythmically as they sound each Danna (hour) of the day.
The situation is different in the garden of Ninmah, the sovereign who made her position well understood in the Assembly. The Šandan (arboriculturalists and horticulturalists) replace, to some degree, the celestial forges, allocating to workers devices produced in the Abzu, and these perform the surveillance for the accounting of the house of the Ušumgal.
|Garden of Paradise
See Ádam Genisiš Note 116
With all of this suffering, how in the world did the expression “Gán (Hebrew: Garden) of Paradise” come to be associated with this place?Parks provides the answer in Ádam Genisiš Note 116, in which he shows how certain terms came into the Old Testament via the Hellenistic period.
Note 117 provides more interesting information about language elements that come to us from the Hellenistic period, such as the Greek names for personages or gods whose origins have been described on our pages. We have had to declare this material beyond the scope of our website. This is one reason why you may consider it important to obtain the physical books when the English-language translations become available.
These instruments do not possess any bug. The Annegarra (“those placed after”) who work in the garden are generally more tranquil than those who work in Edin.
Enki retains the right to effect a work rotation in which each worker has the possibility, at a given moment, of leaving the hard labor in the Gán Edin (field of Edin) for work on the Dukug. The activities in Ninmah’s garden require much work, but not so much as in the country of Máš (Edin).
The long-awaited Danna (hour) arrives. Dìm’mege begins to overtly deprogram Eden’s limited control system. Ninmah has noticed this but says nothing and even seems to cover for Dìm’mege as well as Enki’s clandestine activities in Edin. The Šandan (arboriculturalists and horticulturalists) and the Santana (plantation chiefs) dictate progressively the new rules that Nammu, Dìm’mege and Enki institute in concert. Udu’us and Šetir, the experts in cereals and livestock, execute Enki’s orders perfectly – their support is capital.
The females possess the essence of the Kadištu (Life Designers). They prefer to disassemble the male authority, taking the risk of engendering more rivalries rather than persisting to support the system of tyrants.
One of the changes instituted at this time has to do with the daily distribution of an allotment of grain to the workers. They used to have to come to beg for their tithe. But since the surveillance systems worked on solar power, Enki could wait until after sundown and then have the priestesses directly distribute the food from the stockpiles to the workers, a change that affords much more dignity to them.
Enki works by night, when the monitoring system is in repose and the workers sleep. He returns to his town of Nunkiga (Eridu) to fabricate a new Ukubi Annegarra (genus Homo placed after). The docile Ukubi who worked for the colony are until now exclusively asexual. But Enki now creates new, sexual specimens so that the Lú (humanity) will become autonomous and progressively more powerful.
Enki fashions for them a new nature. He dreams of the day when they will be able to face up to the Kuku (ancestors). He works body and soul for those whom it is his ideal to strive to aid and to protect. That which can be preserved in the name of Nammu and the female Kadištu (Life Designers) who conceived the Ukubi’im (Homo Neanderthalensis) so long ago.
The new sexual prototypes are progressively mixed with the other workers. But at the moment that this information is being placed in the Gírkù, they are grouped in villages near Nunkiga. It is beautiful, extremely good for Enki to see. He is more than content with what he has done.
The situation is calm in Edin (the plain). Enki goes to spend time with his Nungal Zehuti (Thot) in the Gigal, the secret Urmah base at Kankala (in Africa). Zehuti has discovered marvels. The place possesses other tunnels and other chambers. It will be possible to bring in thousands of individuals and Enki intends to do exactly that: to establish his Nungal there.
Also in these chambers are two flying vehicles gifted to Enki by the departing Urmah. These are named “Gighu” (Blackbird) and “Nisighu” (Bluebird), and are briefly described at the button Two Birds. Preliminary views are provided in our earlier section on Craft.
Here, during his time exploring the Urmah base at Kankala, Enki devotes energy to testing them – actually to learning how to fly them.
Gighu is a very powerful machine, a monster of war, difficult to maneuver. Enki fails to kill himself with it while learning to manage its great speed, beyond what is currently practiced in the Diranna (stargates), exceeding belief.
He makes several trial flights with Nisighu, a larger and more flowing or flexible vessel, which appears not to be a machine of combat, but a long-haul aircraft of modest proportions, of the “Iniuma” class.